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reading:the_coming_of_the_third_reich [2023-04-02 23:14] – [German Peculiarities] notes through section 1 asdf | reading:the_coming_of_the_third_reich [2023-05-20 01:41] (current) – [Descent into Chaos] section 3 notes asdf | ||
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* government ministers (such as the Reich Chancellor) were civil servants, not party politicians, | * government ministers (such as the Reich Chancellor) were civil servants, not party politicians, | ||
* quoting Karl Marx: "[the Bismarckian Reich was] a bureaucratically constructed military despotism, dressed up with parliamentary forms, mixed in with an element of feudalism yet at the same time already influenced by the bourgeoisie." | * quoting Karl Marx: "[the Bismarckian Reich was] a bureaucratically constructed military despotism, dressed up with parliamentary forms, mixed in with an element of feudalism yet at the same time already influenced by the bourgeoisie." | ||
+ | |||
+ | * Prussia' | ||
+ | * Bismarck' | ||
+ | * the wars of 1866 and 1870--71 trampled established institutions, | ||
+ | * the army at this time was effectively a state within a state, accountable only to the Kaiser; officers received many privileges and expected deference from civilians, whose compulsory military service primed them with military standards of behavior | ||
+ | * those who stayed with the military for a period after their compulsory service ended were guaranteed the rights to state jobs upon leaving the army, so the majority of lower-level civil service jobs (postal workers, police, railway workers, etc) were filled by ex-soldiers | ||
+ | * over time the officer corps and the aristocracy grew more separate, but this did not make the army more democratic | ||
+ | * in 1904--7, the German army massacred thousands of Herero people in modern-day Namibia, taking the population from 80000 to 15000 by 1911 | ||
+ | * in occupied areas of the empire, the army frequently acted like conquerors facing a hostile population | ||
+ | * the more flagrant examples of such led the Reichstag to pass a vote of no confidence in the government in 1913; while a toothless action, it highlights how polarized views of the army's societal role had become | ||
+ | * Bismarck did manage to restrain the army's drive for continued territorial expansion during his time as Chancellor; this was in contrast to the legend of him as the man who effortlessly solved political problems with force and blood | ||
+ | * that image was a construct of later times, fueled particularly by the public memory of his revolutionary wars and his ruthless pursuit of those he considered enemies of the Reich | ||
+ | * in the 1870s, Bismarck launched what the liberals called the " | ||
+ | * these included requiring clergy be trained in state institutions and requiring state approval for all clerical appointments | ||
+ | * within a few years, 989 parishes were without incumbents, 225 priests had been jailed, all Catholic religious orders except those involved in nursing had been suppressed, two archbishops and three bishops had been removed from office, and the Bishop of Trier died shortly after his release from prison | ||
+ | * despite Catholics making up roughly 40% of the population, the liberals cheered on these moves, believing Catholicism such a threat to the nation | ||
+ | * the Catholics, now enemies of liberalism and modernity, formed the Center Party to defend themselves against this persecution; | ||
+ | * meanwhile, Bismarck was also going after the socialists, who had been (unfairly) implicated in two assassination attempts on Kaiser Wilhelm I; the boringly-named Anti-Socialist Law banned socialist meetings, publications, | ||
+ | * Germany' | ||
+ | * the socialists continued to be elected to the Reichstag (as individuals) and eventually formed the Social Democratic Party (SPD) when the Anti-Socialist Law lapsed in 1890; by the eve of WWI, the SPD was the largest political organization anywhere in the world | ||
+ | * in the 1912 elections, they held the largest share of the Reichstag (despite the electoral system' | ||
+ | * as the liberals had strongly supported the Anti-Socialist Law, the SPD were immediately distrustful of any political supporters of capitalism; their demands and discipline struck terror in to the respectable upper and middle classes, forming a political divide that would later play a role in the Nazi rise to power | ||
+ | * that said, their real concern of a new banning order greatly softened their approach; their organizing apparatus provided a vital way of life for its members, something they were desperate to protect | ||
+ | * still, they were regarded as dangerous revolutionaries by the police, conservative judges, and prosecutors; | ||
+ | * see the last few sentences of p. 15, particularly the final one: "In their eyes, the law's purpose was to uphold the existing institutions of state and society, not to act as a neutral referee between opposing political groups." | ||
+ | * is this not a typical conservative view of the law? | ||
+ | * the liberals, meanwhile, had lost heavily in the Reichstag between the 1880s and 1890s and had even split | ||
+ | * in 1910, there were two mainstream liberal parties: the National Liberals and the Progressives, | ||
+ | * there were also two conservative parties, both largely Protestant | ||
+ | * and the Catholic Center Party, who were nationalist and anti-modern but also pro-welfare and critical of colonialism in Africa | ||
+ | * the German political landscape before 1914 reflect Germany' | ||
+ | * "In a situation where there was a strong executive not directly responsible to the legislature, | ||
+ | * I thought at first that Evans was suggesting that the multi-party system was itself bad (given that he directly contrasts it with a two-party system in the preceding sentences), but that isn't the case; rather, he means that the parties were focused on fighting each other over a comparatively small slice of state power over wielding that slice to (try to) contain the independent executive | ||
+ | |||
+ | * voters of the time were very politically active and confident in the electoral system, thanks to universal male suffrage, mostly secret ballots, and strict rules of electoral propriety | ||
+ | * the 1912 Reichstag election saw turnout of 85% of eligible voters, impressive given the frequency of run-off elections | ||
+ | * nearly every newspaper in Imperial Germany was tied to one or another of the political parties, and political alignment often governed a person' | ||
+ | * with the turn of the 20th century, talk turned to Germany' | ||
+ | * it held substantial cultural and ethnic minorities (Danes, French speakers, Sorbs, and lots of Poles), which the state had been aggressively working to Germanize; very few Germans believed these minorities were entitled to the same respect as the majority population | ||
+ | * while Bismarck didn't particularly care about overseas colonies, later Chancellors saw Germany as second-class compared to globe-spanning imperial powers like Britain and France | ||
+ | * construction began on a massive battle fleet with the intention of challenging Britain in the North Sea for territorial concessions | ||
+ | * the loudest (and most erratic) voice in Germany' | ||
+ | * oh balls, this guy sounds like a proto-Trump: | ||
+ | * anyway, Wilhelm' | ||
+ | * nationalism, | ||
+ | * Imperial Germany has since been painted as socially backwards, civically deficient, and antiquated; but to its contemporaries, | ||
+ | * still, it faced internal tensions aplenty, particularly the stress of being dragged into modernity and rapid industrialization; | ||
+ | |||
+ | |||
==== Gospels of Hate ==== | ==== Gospels of Hate ==== | ||
+ | * in 1889 Hermann Ahlwardt, caught embezzling from the school at which he was headmaster, decided to blame the Jews for his misfortunes | ||
+ | * the German Jewish community at the time was highly acculturated; | ||
+ | * it's beginning to make sense to me why Jews are so often targeted; we tend to discuss the successes of, say, American Jews as //Jewish// stories rather than // | ||
+ | * with German unification in 1871 and the replacement of religious marriages with civil ones, intermarriages between Jews and Christians began to increase rapidly; conversions to Christianity also rose; all of this is to say that the German Jewish community was no longer an enclosed religious group | ||
+ | * still, Jews accounted for only around 1% of the population as a whole | ||
+ | * excluded from Reich institutions such as civil service, many either emigrated from the country or concentrated into particular districts within larger cities, where they still made up only a single-digit minority percentage | ||
+ | * German Jews often found places in business and professions, | ||
+ | * like other minority ethnic groups in Germany, they formed their own representative institutions; | ||
+ | * most Jews identified strongly with German nationalism and so gravitated toward the liberal parties | ||
+ | * for the most part, they came to represent what was progressive and modern about German culture and society; that made them easy targets for those (like Ahlwardt) who felt pushed aside by the rapid modernization and industrialization taking place | ||
+ | * only two years after its formation, the Reich began suffering from an economic depression sweeping the world at the time (which started in the US---because of course it did); Catholic and conservative journalists were quick to point fingers at Jewish financiers, a claim that was easy to swallow for those yearning for an idyllic simpler past | ||
+ | * Adolf Stöcker founded the Christian Social Party in an attempt to win back the working class from the SPD; this party would fight elections in the 1880s on an explicitly antisemitic platform | ||
+ | * Max Libermann von Sonnenberg helped organize a national petition in 1880 calling for the removal of Jews from public positions | ||
+ | * Ernst Enrici was so vehement in his rhetoric that it led to riots in Neustettin and the burning of the local synagogue | ||
+ | * Ahlwardt joined this movement in the late 1880s with a book blaming his misfortunes on the machinations of Jewish money lenders and claiming the Jews were all-powerful in German society | ||
+ | * his " | ||
+ | * immediately upon his release, he laid out even more bonkers claims (that a Jewish arms manufacturer had intentionally supplied the army with faulty rifles to further a Franco-Jewish conspiracy to undermine the German military) and received a five-month prison sentence | ||
+ | * this one he never served, as he had landed a seat in the Reichstag after vigorously campaigning in rural Brandenburg by scapegoating Jews (who were far-off and obscure to his constitutents) | ||
+ | * antisemitism was clearly a successful campaign strategy among rural voters; Otto Böckel was elected in a similar manner | ||
+ | * this was seen by a threat to the electoral hegemony of the Conservative Party, who added antisemitic points to their party program in 1893 | ||
+ | * Theodor Fritsch tried and failed to collect the strands of political antisemitism and target them to the urban lower-middle class, thanks in part to egotism of those like Böckel | ||
+ | * how about that, it turns out racist dickwads don't form cohesive alliances---who knew? | ||
+ | * Fritch still published a load of popular antisemitic literature and later made it to the Reichstag as a Nazi Party member | ||
+ | * the independent (single-issue? | ||
+ | * Ahlwardt' | ||
+ | |||
+ | * Ahlwardt, while extreme, was somewhat representative of the new antisemitism emerging in Europe at the time | ||
+ | * antisemitism had traditionally focused on the non-Christian religion of the Jews and the New Testament blaming them for Christ' | ||
+ | * I think this is the "blood libel" nonsense | ||
+ | * given the sheer hegemony of Christianity, | ||
+ | * given the aforementioned dissolution of Jewishness as a distinct // | ||
+ | * this shift is typically credited to Wilhelm Marr's 1873 pamphlet //The Victory of Jewdom over Germandom Viewed from a Non-confessional Standpoint// | ||
+ | * this notion of Jewishness as a race first and foremost was borrowed from the French racist Count Joseph de Gobineau | ||
+ | * the essence of Marr's // | ||
+ | * Marr coined the term " | ||
+ | * Marr's descent into antisemitic madness largely began with a series of personal frustrations; | ||
+ | * while not politically successful himself (he found the antisemitic parties too conservative), | ||
+ | * Eugen Dühring equated capitalism with the Jews and argued that socialism' | ||
+ | * Heinrich von Treitschke popularized the phrase "the Jews are our misfortune", | ||
+ | * that is to say, these men were not marginal, but their ideas were still considered bunk among respectable people, including working-class people | ||
+ | * in the deeply rural east, there were still medieval accusations that local Jews were committing ritual murder, but these were (obviously) never substantiated in court | ||
+ | * small businessmen, | ||
+ | * the antisemitic parties of the time remained on the political fringes and disappeared shortly into the new century...mostly because their ideas were adopted by the Conservative and Center Parties | ||
+ | * for the Conservatives, | ||
+ | * for the Catholic Center, the Jews symbolized everything the Church rejected (liberalism, | ||
+ | * with the " | ||
+ | * German antisemitism at the time was still low-level compared to that of other European countries (the Dreyfus affair in France, Tsarist Black Hundreds in Russia) | ||
+ | * the antisemites also normalized a demagogic style of politics, enabling their fringe ideas to be considered seriously in parliamentary sessions (the " | ||
+ | * this was the beginning of the ingredients of Nazism | ||
+ | * Julius Langbehn' | ||
+ | * Richard Wagner had already been something of a cultural antisemite since the 1850s, but his second wife Cosima helped push him into the full-on racism | ||
+ | * after his death, his widow formed a rabidly antisemitic circle of followers who worked to interpret his operas as pitting Nordic heroes against Jewish villains | ||
+ | * members included Ludwig Schemann and the Englishman Houston Stewart Chamberlain | ||
+ | * Schemann spoke to various antisemitic groups and founded a number of unsuccessful racist organization; | ||
+ | * Chamberlain published //The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century// in 1900, in which he described history as a cosmic battle between the Germanic and Jewish races (the only two racial groups that were still pure [citation needed]); the book also tried hard to prove that Jesus was not Jewish but in fact Germanic | ||
+ | * most importantly, | ||
+ | |||
+ | * the 1890s saw the development of a tougher selectionist variant of Social Darwinism | ||
+ | * anthropologist Ludwig Woltmann argued in 1900 that the Aryan/ | ||
+ | * many felt that the Germans needed more " | ||
+ | * i.e., ultranationalism | ||
+ | * they pined for the restoration of a rural ideal that German settlers could lord over their Slavic " | ||
+ | * and there' | ||
+ | * this conception of international politics was common among Germany' | ||
+ | * in order to succeed in the war necessary to secure this Lebensraum, the race needed some...tweaks | ||
+ | * but wait, I thought they were the peak of human evolution already? | ||
+ | * a greater emphasis was put on negative selection; rather than improving quality of life through improved health care, sanitation, housing, etc., proponents focused instead on culling the weak | ||
+ | * Alfred Ploetz argued that the " | ||
+ | * many of these writers and their ideas were incompatible in one way or another with the Nazis, but they were united by their interest in eugenics | ||
+ | * Rüdin and Ploetz founded the Racial Hygiene Society in 1905 to propagate their views; it quickly became influential in the medical and welfare professions | ||
+ | * where Gobineau thought the eugenic ideal was embodied in the aristocracy, | ||
+ | * by WWI eugenic ideas permeated medicine, social work, criminology, | ||
+ | * with the German discovery of bacilli that caused cholera and tuberculosis, | ||
+ | * despite their wide presence, these ideas had limited effect on government policies prior to 1914 | ||
+ | * a few principles underpinned the overall ideology of racial hygiene: heredity played a significant role in determining human character and behavior; society, led by the state, should | ||
+ | * "low quality" | ||
+ | * obviously such pervasive devaluing language set the stage for control, abuse, and extermination of the valueless by the state | ||
+ | * eugenic ideas didn't quite fit yet within the political spectrum; being a " | ||
+ | * antisemitism and racial hygiene were two components of a larger rebellion against what many viewed as bourgeois complacency, | ||
+ | * Nietzsche came to be a particular inspiration for this movement, despite the complexities of his work | ||
+ | * prior to 1914, his call for the individual to be freed from the conventional moral restrictions of the time was generally interpreted to be a call for personal emancipation; | ||
+ | * Nietzsche vigorously opposed antisemitism, | ||
+ | * the power of his prose, however, made it easy to bastardize for the service of eugenics and extreme nationalism | ||
+ | * some read Nietzsche as yearning for a great German leader unfettered by Christian moral constraints; | ||
+ | * this "band of brothers" | ||
+ | * one such group was the Germanic Order, which reclaimed runes and sun worship as essential signs of Germanness and adopted the Indian swastika as an " | ||
+ | * all of these ideas stood in contrast to bourgeois virtues and liberal principles | ||
+ | * already the precursors of Nazi ideology (extreme nationalism, | ||
+ | |||
==== The Spirit of 1914 ==== | ==== The Spirit of 1914 ==== | ||
+ | * antisemitism was blooming in German-speaking Austria as well | ||
+ | * the Habsburg monarchy had restructured itself into two halves (Austria and Hungary) after its defeat by Prussia in 1866; the two were bound together by the Emperor (Franz Josef) and his central administration in Vienna, which was staffed overwhelmingly by German speakers | ||
+ | * the 6 million Austrian Germans dealt with their expulsion from the German Confederation by identifying strongly with the Habsburgs and regarding themselves as the Empire' | ||
+ | * Georg Ritter von Schoenerer was dissatisfied with this arrangement, | ||
+ | * this belief merged with an intense form of antisemitism, | ||
+ | * as a member of the Austrian Parliament, he was immune from prosecution for his extravagant condemnations of the Jews | ||
+ | * he founded a series of organizations, | ||
+ | * (surprise!) it broke up shortly after due to petty infighting, but it still served as a prototype for similar organizations and proved that appealing to antisemitism was a successful electoral policy | ||
+ | * Karl Lueger of the right-wing Christian Social Party used it to gain the position of Mayor of Vienna in 1897 | ||
+ | * Lueger' | ||
+ | * Schoenerer later spearhead an anti-Catholic movement, coined the greeting //Heil!//, and was referred to by followers as "the Leader" | ||
+ | * apparently he was a fount of catchy slogans, among them: " | ||
+ | * for publicly toasting Wilhelm as "our glorious Emperor", | ||
+ | * following a four-month jail sentence, he immediately declared that he " | ||
+ | * Schoenerer and his ilk occupied the fringes of Austrian politics, but his ideas and posturing would go on to influence the Nazis | ||
+ | * with shared history, language, and cultures, ideas could flow freely between Germany and Austria | ||
+ | * Schoenerer' | ||
+ | |||
+ | * Bismarck' | ||
+ | * the two disagreed on the renewal of the Anti-Socialist Law, eventually leading to Bismarck' | ||
+ | * Carl Peters was exactly the type of hero figure the German nationalists wanted; after Bismarck' | ||
+ | * though he lacked authorization from the German government to do so, he concluded several treaties with indigenous rulers; and what colonization effort would be complete without some rudeness and rape? | ||
+ | * Peters founded the Society for German Colonization in 1884, which became the German Colonial Society in 1887; these organizations were influential enough that Bismarck declared a German protectorate over the areas Peters had explored (eventually leading to the German colony of Tanganyika) | ||
+ | * in 1890, Caprivi traded some of that territory to the British in exchange for Helgioland in the North Sea; this was a massive outrage to the nationalists (among them Peters and Hugenberg) and catalyzed the formation of the Pan-German League (founded as the General German League) | ||
+ | * the organization pushed for German expansion abroad and the Germanization of minority groups within Germany | ||
+ | * the Society for the Eastern Marches, which had closer ties to the government than the Pan-Germans, | ||
+ | * the German School Association, | ||
+ | * one of the largest nationalist groups of the time was the Navy League, which was founded in 1898 with money from arms manufacturer Krupp | ||
+ | * the Navy League gathered 300,000 members within a decade; others sat closer to 50,000; the Pan-German League was stuck at under 20,000 | ||
+ | * members were often shared between these nationalist pressure groups despite their frequent rivalries | ||
+ | * you have to love the old days, when regressive organizations were honest enough about their goals to name themselves "the German League for the Prevention of the Emancipation of Women"; | ||
+ | * some members were disgruntled notables distressed by increasing democratization | ||
+ | * these groups generally agreed that Bismarck' | ||
+ | * in 1912, Heinrich Class of the Pan-German League published a manifesto titled //If I Were the Kaiser//; his first targets were the Jews (who were subverting German culture and corrupting the German masses) and the Social Democrats (whose recent victory, he argued, was the result of a Jewish conspiracy); | ||
+ | * the nationalists had big dreams for the Empire; once they suppressed minority groups within Germany, they would move on to annex Switzerland, | ||
+ | * the Pan-Germans built their ideology by bastardizing the ideas of Nietzsche, Langbehn, Darwin, Treitschke, and others; the core tenets of this ideology were struggle, conflict, " | ||
+ | * of course, the current state of the nation, immersed in perceived threats both internal and external, was cause for great alarm to them; they were being outbred and undermined by their inferiors and corrupted by their declining peers | ||
+ | * note the last paragraph of p. 48 (paraphrased above); compare with modern expressions of the same | ||
+ | * what they needed was a new Bismarck who would save the nation | ||
+ | * spurred by SPD victories in 1912 and their humiliation over a national crisis in Morocco the previous year, the nationalist groups set aside their differences to support the Defense League, which aimed to do for the army what the Navy League had done for the fleet | ||
+ | * the Defense League was more independent from the government than its Navy counterpart, | ||
+ | * the Pan-Germans worked with the Colonial Society to convince the government to invalidate marriages between German settlers and black Africans in the colonies | ||
+ | * meanwhile, the massive Agrarian League (composed of large and small landowners with very close ties to the Conservatives) joined in 1913 with the Central Association of German Industrialists to form the " | ||
+ | * surprisingly, | ||
+ | * one white-collar trade union, the German-National Commercial Employees' | ||
+ | * the rise of these nationalist organizations did put pressure on the German government, especially as the Pan-Germans gathered friends in the right-wing press | ||
+ | * retired General Konstantin von Gebsattel was one such friend; Jewhood was to him entirely a racial matter, and he claimed Germany was dominated by "the Jewish spirit", | ||
+ | * I don't know if I want to know what they //wished// they could have said in it | ||
+ | * the two sent the memo to Crown Prince Friedrich Wilhelm, who was openly sympathetic to the nationalist cause; he happily forwarded it to his father and Reich Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg | ||
+ | * the two rejected the proposal on the grounds that it would destabilize the monarchy; however, they agreed with Gebsattel that the " | ||
+ | * the Kaiser had earlier read Chamberlain' | ||
+ | * the Pan-Germans stepped up their criticisms of the Chancellor, who in turn felt pressured to adopt tougher foreign policy leading up to WWI | ||
+ | |||
+ | * Germany entered the First World War expecting to win quickly; military men like War Minister Erich von Falkenhayn were less optimistic but did not share that impression with the public or the Reichstag | ||
+ | * the strength of the German economy and their victories on the Eastern Front further propped up the feeling of invincibility | ||
+ | * Paul von Hindenburg, a retired general and veteran of the war of 1870--1, was appointed to lead the campaign to counter an early Russian invasion of East Prussia | ||
+ | * together with his Chief of Staff, Erich Ludendorff, they lured the Russians into a trap, annihilated them, and continued on; by the end of September 1915, the Germans had conquered Poland and driven the Russians back 250 miles | ||
+ | * these victories stirred up a cult of the hero around Hindenburg as an invincible general; however, Ludendorff was the real brains of the operation | ||
+ | * meanwhile, the Western Front had become a bitter stalemate of barbed wire, machine guns, and trenches | ||
+ | * the middle years of the war saw a change in leadership among the primary combatants as a result: Clemenceau in France, Lloyd George in Britain, and Hindenburg and Ludendorff in Germany | ||
+ | * the War Office, under Wilhelm Groener, had co-opted the trade unions and civilian politicians to mobilize support for the war, a move despised by the industrialists and other generals | ||
+ | * Hindenburg and Ludendorff ejected Groener, sidelined the politicians, | ||
+ | * this arrangement provided significant precedents for the Nazi takeover less than two decades later | ||
+ | * the greater ruthlessness in war conduct would come at a cost: economic exploitation of occupied areas would lead to harsh penalties for Germany after the war; the pursuit of inflexible and ambitious war aims alienated many on the liberal center and left; unrestricted submarine warfare in the Atlantic brought the US into the war on the Allied side, tipping the scales in their favor on the Western Front; even German successes in the East would come back to bite them | ||
+ | * German pressure brought about the collapse of the unpopular administration of Tsar Nicholas II in 1917; the liberal Provisional Government was no better equipped to mobilize a successful war effort; with famine encroaching, | ||
+ | * only one political group in Russia had consistently opposed the war from the beginning, the tightly-knit Bolshevik Party; Lenin had argued all along that wartime defeat would be the quickest way to ensure a revolution, and he seized the opportunity | ||
+ | * an attempted counter-coup by their opponents was halted with ruthless violence; Lenin established a dictatorship, | ||
+ | * look into: //A People' | ||
+ | * with the defeat of the Whites, Lenin and his successors set about constructing their version of a communist state | ||
+ | * aware that their project could not survive without similar revolutions taking place elsewhere, the Bolsheviks formed Comintern to propagate their vision throughout the rest of the world; to their benefit, socialist movements in several countries had begun to fracture over the war | ||
+ | * the once-monolithic SPD was no exception; it had initially supported the war as a defensive action against threats from the East, but the increased scope of Germany' | ||
+ | * it should be obvious why the upper and middle classes were alarmed by communism | ||
+ | * the red terror was a hugely important factor in later reactions to communist movements, especially among left-leaning organizations; | ||
+ | * fear of the same led them to believe that communism had to be stopped at all costs, including violence and curtailed civil liberties | ||
+ | * as far as the right was concerned, the Social Democrats and the Communists were two sides of the same coin | ||
+ | * Communist regime in Hungary emerged in 1918 was swiftly overthrown by monarchists, | ||
+ | * in Germany, communism seemed a far-off threat at the beginning of 1918; Lenin and the Bolsheviks quickly negotiated a peace settlement with the Germans to give themselves breathing room to consolidate their power; in exchange, Germany annexed huge swaths of territory from the Russians (the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk) | ||
+ | * with the movement of German troops from the East to the West, victory seemed certain; the Kaiser assured the public in August 1918 that the worst of the war was over | ||
+ | * in actuality, the German offensive and their allies began to collapse | ||
+ | * Hindenburg and Ludendorff informed the Kaiser of imminent defeat at the end of September; instead of sharing that information with the public, they tightened censorship of the media; when news finally broke of defeat, it was a massive shock to the German people | ||
+ | * thus we have the ingredients that would lead to Nazism: the rise to great power status and failure of the Reich institutions to meet the resulting expectations; | ||
+ | * still, the Nazis' victory was not inevitable | ||
+ | * the old guard was not yet ready to hand over to their democratic successors, and they were ready to fight for their old positions | ||
+ | |||
==== Descent into Chaos ==== | ==== Descent into Chaos ==== | ||
+ | * in November 1918, most Germans expected the terms of peace would be equitable; after all, the Allies had never set foot on German soil | ||
+ | * the previous four years had been marked by debates over the extent of territory Germany should annex in victory; official war aims called for complete German hegemony over the continent, and right-wing groups wanted much more; none had contemplated the cost of defeat | ||
+ | * under the Armistice of 11 November 1918, all German troops were to withdraw east of the Rhine, the German fleet was to be surrendered to the Allies, vast amounts of military equipment had to be handed over, the Treaty of Brest Litovsk had to be repudiated, and the German High Seas Fleet and all submarines had to be surrendered | ||
+ | * to ensure compliance, the Allies maintained their economic blockade of Germany until July 1919 | ||
+ | * Germans almost universally felt humiliated by these terms, especially the French enforcement efforts | ||
+ | * many refused to believe that their military had actually been defeated; a myth began to circulate (and propagated by senior army officers themselves) that the army had only been defeated because it had been stabbed in the back by its enemies at home; this myth found strong purchased among the center and right | ||
+ | * Hindenburg and Ludendorff themselves claimed that the army had been the victim of a " | ||
+ | * Kaiser Wilhelm II echoed the phrase in his 1920s memoirs, writing that " | ||
+ | * even the Social Democrats joined in; party leader Friedrich Ebert proclaimed to returning troops, "No enemy has overcome you!" | ||
+ | * Bismarck' | ||
+ | * following the Russian Revolution, Woodrow Wilson and the Allies proclaimed that the war's principal purpose was to make the world safe for democracy | ||
+ | * once he realized the war was lost, Ludendorff advocated democratization of the Reich to improve the likelihood of favorable terms from the Allies; as a nice bonus, he knew that the burden of accepting unfavorable terms would fall on the democratic politicians rather than the Kaiser or army leadership | ||
+ | * a new government was formed under the liberal Prince Max von Baden, but it was unable to control the navy; the naval officers set out to sea to go down fighting against the British | ||
+ | * the sailors mutinied, and civilians followed; eventually the Kaiser and all the princes were forced to abdicate | ||
+ | * the army effectively melted away after the Armistice | ||
+ | * the democratic parties were left to " | ||
+ | * in the Treaty, Germany lost a tenth of its population and 13% of its territory, including Alsace-Lorraine, | ||
+ | * the Saarland was lopped off with the promise that its people would be able to choose whether to join France (it was expected that they would) | ||
+ | * Allied troops were stationed in the Rhineland for much of the 1920s to prevent the German armed forces from entering | ||
+ | * Northern Schleswig went to Denmark, Memel to Lithuania | ||
+ | * Poland was established as its own state, and a corridor to the Baltic Sea was carved out for them; this corridor separated East Prussia from the rest of Germany | ||
+ | * Danzig became a "free city" nominally controlled by the League of Nations, and Germany' | ||
+ | * the Allies also refused to allow Germany and Austria to unite; with the collapse of the Habsburg Empire into separate nation-states, | ||
+ | * that idea had been on the fringe of political thought not long before, but faced with the postwar economic realities, it seemed their best option | ||
+ | * even the Austrian socialists figured that joining the more advanced German Reich would facilitate a socialist transformation | ||
+ | * Wilson had declared in his Fourteen Points that every nation should be able to determine its own future unimpeded by outsiders; if this applied to the Poles, Czechs, and Yugoslavs, why not the Germans? | ||
+ | * the Allies disagreed, believing the war would have been pointless if the German Reich gained six million people and a considerable territory | ||
+ | * this was to be a constant sore spot among the Germans | ||
+ | * the veto was justified by Article 231, which forced Germany to accept the sole guilt for the outbreak of the war | ||
+ | * other articles mandate the trial of the Kaiser and others for war crimes; atrocities had indeed been committed, but the German courts refused to accept the legitimacy of the charges; only 7 of 900 individuals singled out for trial were found guilty, 10 were acquitted, and the rest never saw a full trial | ||
+ | * the idea began to take root in Germany that the concept of war crimes had been invented by the Allies based on imagined atrocities; this would have severe implications in the Second World War | ||
+ | * the real purpose of Article 231 was to legitimize punitive reparations to be paid by Germany; the Allies seized 2,000,000 tons of merchant ships, 5,000 railway engines and 136,000 coaches, 24,000,000 tons of coal, and more; Germany was to pay in gold over a number of years; their standing army was mandated to never exceed 100,000, and Germany was forbidden from using tanks and heavy artillery (and more) | ||
+ | |||
+ | * this outcome was a huge shock to most Germans, especially after the upward trajectory they'd been on since unification | ||
+ | * the so-called " | ||
+ | * had Germany won, they would have demanded massive territory concessions and likely reparations as well; considering the territory Germany wanted to annex, Versailles was mild | ||
+ | * Germany did have sufficient resources to pay the reparations, | ||
+ | * the German nationalists, | ||
+ | * quoting a once-pacifist Social Democrat: "I came to feel the rifle butt of the French and became patriotic again." | ||
+ | * indeed, the French presence in the Rhineland and Saarland amplified the tension; in occupied areas, the French banned German patriotic songs and festivals, encouraged separatist movements, and outlawed radical nationalist groups | ||
+ | * passive resistance against the new French authorities in those areas deepened nationalist sentiment and further entrenched distrust of the politicians and democracy that had allowed and accepted this state of affairs | ||
+ | * obviously the extreme nationalists were even more pissed off by this change in fortune; early in the war, they seemed poised to gain everything they wanted; now the war was lost and annexationism fell out of favor among the general public | ||
+ | * into this environment rose the German Fatherland Party, founded in September 1917 by Wolfgang Kapp (associate of Pan-German League founder Hugenberg); its goals were similar to those of the Pan-Germans --- aggressive annexation, authoritarian constitutional changes, etc. | ||
+ | * the Fatherland Party presented itself as above party politics and committed to the German nation over abstract ideology | ||
+ | * within a year, they claimed to have over 1.25 million members; in reality, they had less than 500,000 due to intentional double counting (noted in an internal memo) | ||
+ | * they quickly pushed aside the Pan-Germans, | ||
+ | * the government itself was suspicious of the Fatherland Party; it banned soldiers from joining and told civil servants not to help it | ||
+ | * the Fatherland Party struggled to recruit among the working class (who were still primarily aligned with the Social Democrats) and wounded veterans (who were thrown violently out of a party meeting) | ||
+ | * the party was essentially a rehash of previous ultra-nationalist movements, though they lacked the spiciness of the Pan-Germans | ||
+ | * for their part, the Pan-German League fell into obscurity after 1918 | ||
+ | |||
+ | * a nostalgic myth began to grow around the idea of the "front generation" | ||
+ | * the revolution in 1918 was bitterly resented by many soldiers, who often disarmed and arrested the local councils that had sprung up | ||
+ | * generally rejected by the revolutionaries, | ||
+ | * soldiers returned to a Germany organized wholly unlike that for which they had fought; the feeling began to spread among them that they had been " | ||
+ | * these are generalizations of course; many soldiers had deserted toward the end of the war, and others gravitated toward the left afterward rather than the extreme right; some of their interest groups fought to keep such a war in the past | ||
+ | * still, the soldiers' | ||
+ | * as time went on, it was increasingly felt that the veterans deserved far better treatment than they had received | ||
+ | * one veterans' | ||
+ | * founded by decorated soldier Franz Seldte in November 1918, its stated purpose was to provide financial support for old soldiers in need | ||
+ | * its leadership believed the organization should be above politics, by which they meant it should tap into the patriotic spirit of 1914 to overcome party divisions and forge national unity | ||
+ | * the Steel Helmets denounced the Treaty of Versailles, demanded the restoration of the black-white-red Imperial flag, and blamed Germany' | ||
+ | * by the mid-1920s, they had 300,000 or so members; they brought a formidable, militaristic presence to their rallies and marches | ||
+ | * Germany failed to transition back to peacetime after 1918; militaristic metaphors pervaded the language and actions of politics | ||
+ | * prior to the war, calm discussions were possible even between those of deeply opposed political opinion; that was no longer the case post-1918 | ||
+ | * parliamentary meetings often degenerated into shouting matches; worse, political parties began associating with paramilitary wings who frequently clashed in the streets | ||
+ | * many of the members of these street gangs had been too young to join the war and used street violence to legitimize themselves in the face of the myth of the front generation | ||
+ | * these paramilitary groups provided security at party meetings, paraded through the streets in uniform to impress the public, and fought each other; their relationships with the politicians were often fraught with tension, and they tended to maintain autonomy | ||
+ | * such context made it obvious that the Steel Helmets were not an apolitical veterans' | ||
+ | * the Nationalists formed their own " | ||
+ | * the far right had a number of " | ||
+ | * few were satisfied with the results of the German Revolution of 1918--19 | ||
+ | * leftists like Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg sought a second revolution to fully transition Germany to a socialist state run by the workers' | ||
+ | * the Social Democrats, fearing a red terror to mirror that of Russia, sanctioned the recruitment of Free Corps units to put down any further revolutionary uprisings | ||
+ | * following a poorly-organized uprising in Berlin in early 1919, the Free Corps brutally murdered revolutionaries across Germany, including Liebknecht and Luxemburg | ||
+ | * in spring 1920, a Red Army of workers formed to oppose an attempted right-wing coup in Berlin was put down by Free Corps units and the regular army on order of the Social Democrats; over 1000 members were slaughtered, | ||
+ | * after these events, cooperation between the Social Democrats and Communists was out of the question | ||
+ | * despite their support for violence against the Communists, the Social Democrats were still targets of the Free Corps, many of whom were firm believers in the stab-in-the-back myth and were fiercely anti-Republican | ||
+ | * socialists and democrats of any kind were viewed as the same by those on the right, who dubbed them the " | ||
+ | * those who had signed the Treaty of Versailles were particularly targeted for assassination by the Free Corps | ||
+ | * yet another failed Communist uprising was put to bloody end in 1923; the same year saw gun battles between rival political parties in Munich and battles involving French-backed separatists in the Rhineland | ||
+ | * the mass legitimization of violence in an already tense political climate served as fertile breeding ground for what would become Nazism; right-wing fringe groups were feeling more empowered to use violence to implement the measures that the Pan-Germans, | ||
+ | * still, German society of the time was highly polarized, not totally right-wing; plenty of people and parties actively worked to forge a functional parliamentary democracy from the mess | ||
+ | |||
==== The Weaknesses of Weimar ==== | ==== The Weaknesses of Weimar ==== | ||
==== The Great Inflation ==== | ==== The Great Inflation ==== | ||
Line 100: | Line 406: | ||
==== A Revolution of Destruction? | ==== A Revolution of Destruction? | ||
===== Thoughts ===== | ===== Thoughts ===== | ||
+ | As I continue to read about the early days of the Third Reich, I become increasingly aware of how little attention American public education gives to this period of European history. None of my history courses mentioned Imperial or Weimar Germany. Either they never discussed Lenin' | ||
+ | |||
+ | In society at large, we tend to view fascism only as the product of a unique, singular historical context. Because that image is used all too often as the cultural shorthand for pure evil, calling a person or movement fascist immediately sounds hyperbolic and unfair. As Ian Danskin observed, when you say " | ||
+ | |||
+ | It's a complex issue, and Evans doesn' | ||
+ | |||
===== Related reading ===== | ===== Related reading ===== | ||
* [[The Third Reich in Power]] (Evans), the second volume in the series | * [[The Third Reich in Power]] (Evans), the second volume in the series | ||
* [[The Third Reich at War]] (Evans), the third volume in the series | * [[The Third Reich at War]] (Evans), the third volume in the series | ||
* [[The Death of Democracy]] (Hett), another examination of the Weimar Republic' | * [[The Death of Democracy]] (Hett), another examination of the Weimar Republic' | ||
+ | * [[Danubia]], | ||
+ | {{tag> | ||
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readinglist.summary | readinglist.summary |